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    Hoover Institution California Poll Released

    Between October 15-30th, 2012, a team of survey researchers affiliated with the Hoover Institution at Stanford University polled 600 Californians about their views of state government, policy choices facing the state, and life in the Golden State. Administered by the survey research firm YouGov, the poll has a margin of error of +/-4% for the full sample, +/-5% for the registered voter subsample.

    Among the survey’s findings:

    Large majorities oppose increasing income or sales taxes on everyone.

    Among registered voters, 75% oppose increasing income taxes across the board (12% support, 13% unsure) and 61% oppose increasing sales tax rates (21% support, 15% oppose).

    Majority support for increasing income tax rates only for incomes above $200,000.

    Among registered voters, 52% oppose increasing taxes on those earning $100,000-$200,000 (33% support, 15% not sure). Broader support seen for taxes on higher income levels: 58% support increasing income taxes on those earning $200,000-$999,999 (25% oppose, 7% not sure); 66% support a true millionaires’ tax, 19% oppose, 15% not sure.

    But Californians also oppose freezing or reducing spending for higher education, K-12, and MediCal.

    56% of registered voters oppose freezing or reducing spending on higher ed (34% support, 10% not sure). 63% oppose the same actions for K-12 education (20% support, 18% not sure). 56% oppose freezing or reducing spending to MediCal (30% support, 14% not sure).

    Nearly 4 in 10 Californians have considered moving out of state in the last 12 months. Large pluralities cite cost of housing, taxes, economic prospects as most important reasons for considering leaving.

    37% of all respondents said they had considered moving of the state in the last 12 months. When asked to identify the three most important reasons behind their possible move; 48% responded that they wanted a lower cost of housing, 42% said they sought lower tax rates; 41% sought a better economy and job opportunities. The next most popular answers were less traffic congestion and overcrowding (19%), want to live around people like me (15%), and to be closer to family (11%).

    Californians do not think the state’s government serves as a good model for other states.

    56% disagree with the statement that the way the state government runs in California is a good model for other states to follow; 17% agree, 27% neither agree nor disagree. Registered voters hold an even less favorable view: 66% disagree the idea that the state is a good model, 17% agree, 17% neither agree nor disagree.

    Most of the blame for the state’s budget mess goes to the state legislature.

    When asked to assign blame for the state’s budget woes, 10% of registered voters point to Republican legislators in Sacramento, 19% blame the Democrats in the legislature. 15% blame previous governors, while 5% say Gov. Jerry Brown shoulders most of the responsibility, and 11% says it’s the bad economy. 7% blame state employee unions, and 6% selected the state’s initiative process.

    The Hoover Institution California Poll is conducted by fellows of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, in partnership with YouGov. The October 2012 Hoover investigators are Tammy Frisby, Brian Gaines, James Gimpel, Daron Shaw, and Bill Whalen. Survey respondents are matched on a set of individual characteristics and the sample is statistically weighted based on estimates from the American Community Survey, the Current Population Survey, and the Pew Religious Landscape Survey.

    Hoover corresponding investigator: Tammy Frisby, frisby@stanford.edu, (650) 387-8465

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    Leisel Bogan

    Much of the flurried media coverage of the RNC convention last week highlighted the weird or the unexpected (Santorum’s “hands” speech, Condoleezza Rice mentioning immigration, Clint Eastwood talking to a chair) but also commented, more than once, that something about the Convention seemed “off”—even boring.

    A recent poll by USA Today/Suffolk University suggests that 90 million Americans will not vote in the November Presidential elections. The lassitude surrounding Decision 2012 (and our political leadership in general) is not isolated to the United States. From the political and economic crisis in Europe, the scandal-plagued leadership transition in China, the disappointing outcome of the Arab Spring, and the slowdown of the global economy, the governments of the world seem, as David Brady and Michael Spence have noted, “paralyzed” by various factors that stall effective policy action.

    Perhaps one of those factors is an information problem.

    Click to read more.

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    Bill Whalen

    Ryan’s Expressed Purpose

    I’ll admit: cynic that I am, I didn’t see this one coming.

    Mitt Romney is a cautious politician by nature (some would say: more a technocrat than a politician). He didn’t lack for cautious (i.e., safe) vice-presidential picks. Tim Pawlenty, the former Minnesota governor would fall into that category (the second time Pawlenty has been a finalist for the ticket), as would Ohio Sen. Rob Portman.

    What, then, prompted Romney to throw the long ball and go with Wisconsin Rep. Paul Ryan?

    Romney, in making the announcement, praised his running mate’s intellect and ability to work across the aisle. Over at The National Review’s website, Robert Costa explains how Ryan fits the profile of a Romney Bain hire – young, smart, uber-confident, career-wise upwardly mobile.

    My question: was Romney’s decision based on preference or necessity? In other words, is Ryan on the GOP ticket because Romney wanted him, or because he had to have him to stand a chance to fall?

    Click to read more.

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    Bill Whalen

    Worst Ticket Ever, Barr None

    We go through this every four years.

    The two major parties choose their presidential candidates. But that doesn’t stop a slew of lesser-known third parties from trying to crash the big party, with a vow to dramatically reshape the political landscape.

    And how does it turn out? Some underdogs actually make it on the ballot. Rarely does one make it to a presidential debate (Ross Perot, yes; Pat Buchanan and Ralph Nader, no), where 15% in the polls is the price of admission. A select few, historically, actually succeed in impacting the November election.

    And the rest of the bit players?

    “Alex, I’ll take “Forgotten Also-Rans” for $200, please . . .”

    The 2012 election, it turns out, is more of the same (here’s a list of all third-party candidates who’ve toyed with the idea of running). It began with talk of a third-party outfit, Americans Elect, radically changing the process by holding a first-of-its-kind national online party. The group talked boldly of qualifying for the ballot in all 50 states, and even spent $35 million to get on the ballot in some 29 states.

    The problem was: lots of bucks, but no Buck Rogers. Absent a quality candidate, the online movement fizzled earlier this year.

    Write it down: here’s one of the worst prophecies of the 2012 election, courtesy of The New York Times’ Thomas Friedman from July of last year:

    “Write it down: Americans Elect. What Amazon.com did to books, what the blogosphere did to newspapers, what the iPod did to music, what drugstore.com did to pharmacies, Americans Elect plans to do to the two-party duopoly that has dominated American political life — remove the barriers to real competition, flatten the incumbents and let the people in.”

    Uh-huh.

    In this Olympic year, it’s worth remembering those third-party candidacies that medalled in electoral mischief. That would include:

    • Gold Medal: Theodore Roosevelt and the Bull Moose Party. TR raked in 27% of the vote and 88 electoral votes in 1912 (to just 8 electoral votes for the incumbent GOP President William Howard Taft), handing the election to Woodrow Wilson.
    • Silver Medal: Perot, whose entry, withdrawal and subsequent re-entry to the 1992 election (he’d end up with 18.91% of the vote, but nada in the Electoral College) opened the door to a Democratic victory (Clinton, like Wilson getting 43% of the vote).
    • Bronze Medal: A tie between George Wallace (carried 5 Deep South states in 1968 and threatened to push the contest into the U.S. House of Representatives) and Nader (nothing to show in the way of states or electoral votes, but his presence in New Hampshire and Florida may or may not have cost Al Gore the 2000 election).

    In 2012, three third-party candidates bear watching – two, because there’s a remote chance of impacting the swing states; the third, simply because it’s hard to ignore a train wreck. And that would be the comedienne Roseanne Barr, who’s running on the Peace and Freedom Party ticket with the anti-war activist Cindy Sheehan, whom she met via filmmaker Michael Moore (Peace and Freedom being the party“socialism, democracy, ecology, feminism, and racial equality”).

    No joke.

    In this interview, the former sitcom star (and noted butcher of the national anthem) says America has been “bamboozled and hoodwinked” . . . government is “owned by bankers” . . .  “Americans have been bull—–ed into forgetting that war does not mean freedom . . . When I’m president, I’m gonna outlaw bull—.”

    If elected, Barr says she’d cut defense spending, tax the rich and legalize marijuana.

    Which takes us to the second third-partier worth watching: Gary Johnson, the former New Mexico governor and current Libertarian Party standard-bearer (party slogan: minimum government, maximum freedom”). Johnson, like Roseanne, favors marijuana legalization – which, of course, has branded his campaign as having gone to pot.

    That said, Johnson’s candidacy is more than smoke and mirrors. In a close election, the Libertarian presence could cause mischief in the swing states. Take Colorado, for example. A recent survey by Democratic-leaning Public Policy Polling gives the state to President Obama, 49%-43%. But add Johnson to the mix (he gets 7%, according to PPP) and the President’s lead over Mitt Romney shrinks to 46%-42% – again, the wild-card nature of the Libertarian vote in that there’s no certain rule as to which major majority suffers more.

    Of course, Romney could lose Colorado and still win the election. That’s far less likely if he comes up short in Virginia (most Romney victory scenarios begin with the GOP nominee recapturing Indiana, North Carolina and Virginia), another state where third-party influence could come into play.

    The problem for Romney in the Old Dominion: Virgil Goode, the former Virginia congressman currently headlining the decidedly conservative Constitution Party ticket. That is, if Goode gets on the ballot: he needs 10,000 signatures by August 24 to qualify for the Virginia ballot (he aims to hand in 20,000). And, if he can survive an investigation into “suspected petition fraud.”

    Goode and the Constitution Party are already on the ballot in 17 states. But it’s the potential of that 18thstate – Virginia – that has both the Romney and Obama worrying (potentially, he could pick off both steadfast conservatives who’d vote for Romney, as well as lifelong Democrats who normally would tow the party line but like Goode from his twelve years in Congress).

    In other words, it’s no laughing matter – unless you’re thinking about Roseanne Barr.

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    Russell Berman

    Candidates in Europe

    The US Presidential election will be won and lost on the domestic economy, so Mitt Romney’s recent trip to three capitals –London, Jerusalem and Warsaw—provided some distraction in the summer lead-up to the party conventions and the start of the real campaign season in the fall. His itinerary gave the presumptive Republican candidate an opportunity to profile himself to the American electorate: as a successful executive who had organized the Salt Lake City Olympics, as a firm supporter of Israel (in contrast to President Obama who has refrained from visiting there while in office), and as an advocate of the liberty of Eastern Europe. The warm support from Lech Walesa this summer will serve him well in the ballot boxes of western Pennsylvania in November.

    Yet Romney is not the first American presidential candidate to campaign through European capitals, and his travels abroad invite a comparison with Barack Obama’s tour just four years ago, especially the main event, the speech at the Victory Column in Berlin in front of an enormous crowd of 200, 000 or more. That demonstration of Obama’s charisma and popularity in Europe certainly strengthened his credibility among American voters, frustrated with the apparent fraying of the Atlantic alliance during the administration of George W. Bush. Obama promised to calm the waters, restore old friendships and build a robust cooperation between the US and Europe.

    The Romney visit is a chance to reevaluate the Obama visit and ask: has Obama fulfilled the hope to change the trans-Atlantic divide?

    Click to read more.

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    Kori Schake

    Today, Kori Schake, a Hoover fellow and an associate professor of international security studies at the United States Military Academy, testified at a hearing held by the U.S. House Armed Services Subcommittee on Strategic Forces. The subject of the hearing was “Nonproliferation and Disarmament: What’s the Connection and What Does that Mean for U.S. Security and Obama Administration Policy?”

    Schake opened her testimony with the statement:

    “The question [Does reducing the U.S. nuclear arsenal advance non-proliferation?] is enormously consequential, for if reductions in our arsenal cause threshold states to back away from proliferation, or states whose possession of nuclear weapons threatens the United States and its interests to relinquish their nuclear weapons, then reducing U.S. nuclear forces could increase our security.  There is, however, no evidence that reducing our nuclear deterrent has that effect.”

    Read the full text of Schake’s prepared testimony below:

    Click to read more.

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    David Brady

    Earlier this week, David Brady, Professor of Political Science and the Graduate School of Business at Stanford University and a senior fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution, sat down with EconTalk host and Hoover senior fellow Russ Roberts to talk about the presidential and congressional races.

    Brady argues that while the economy favors the challenger, Mitt Romney, current polling data gives a slight edge to President Obama in both the popular vote and the electoral college. The data all suggest that the House will stay Republican and the Senate will either go slightly Republican or be tied. Brady also discusses why this may change over the next few months, the importance of the independent vote, and Romney’s strategy in choosing a running mate.

    Listen to Brady on EconTalk.

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    Editor

    PITTSBURGH—Carnegie Mellon University has named university professor and Hoover Institution fellow Kiron Skinner as its adviser on national security policy. In this role, Skinner, a renowned expert in international relations, U.S. foreign policy and political strategy, will build on the growing and diverse network that Carnegie Mellon has with the national security community in Washington, D.C. — both inside and outside of government.

    Read the full press release from Carnegie Mellon University here.

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    Kori Schake

    Democracy Grows Bolder in Iran

    One of the most enduring assertions about Iran is that its people support the government’s determination to continue its nuclear programs.  This belief underlies our hesitance in preventing development of an Iranian bomb, and also constrains our options.  If in acting against this Iranian government we cause Iranians to rally around it, Iran could become even more dangerous, the time delayed when this government so damaging to Iranians themselves is finally brought down.

    But is it true that Iranians en masse support their country continuing its nuclear programs, especially at the price in sanctions and international opprobrium they are currently paying?  We don’t actually know.  However, it appears Iranians are beginning to question this shibboleth, and their prods for the government to determine public attitudes may become an important means by which Iranians challenge their authoritarian government.

    The Iranian political class seems to believe they are on solid ground in asserting the Iranian people consider nuclear energy a national right.  A 2010 RAND survey showed 97% of Iranians believe so (although only 32% supported developing nuclear weapons).

    Click to read more.

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